• Title English : Memoirs: Son of the Nation
• Author : Jean-Marie Le Pen
• Pages : 450 Sheet
• Publisher : Muller Editions (February 28, 2018)
• Collection : MUL.MULLER
• ASIN : B079B2ZDVN
• ISBN-13 : 979-1090947214
• Product Dimensions : 15,5 x 3,6 x 24 cm
• Format Kindle : PDF, Ebook, DOCx and Epub
• Price : €
• Rating : ⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ 7/10
♦ Description : “A new look at Le Pen: his “My grandparents could not read but could give their children a decent life. My mother peasant was elegant and proud, my father, taciturn fisherman, had sailed during the Great War, at thirteen, moss on a cap-hornier, the cathedrals of cloth and wood that faced the roaring forties. At home, there was no running water but we loved his family, his country and God – and Brittany too, with its islands, its ships. The teacher and the priest taught us to sing them together. In short, I was a small Breton happy in the great France. Then came the Second World War. The father is dead, France was wounded, priests disgusted me with God. It was then that I discovered the madness of men, Paris, the university, Indochina, the National Assembly, Algeria. I had a wife and girls. Life offered itself, sometimes magnificent, sometimes distressing. The little Breton had grown up, France shrunk. To raise it, I chose the political fight. “
“Atlantico: More than thirty books have already been written about Jean-Marie Le Pen … Why did you choose to dedicate a new biography and especially why now? Philippe Cohen: This question is at the heart of our approach. There have been two kinds of work on Le Pen: hagiographies which he himself has commissioned and in which he appears as a holy man, and of the books that have made him the devil of the Republic. However, the result of this demonization is catastrophic: it begins in 1984, when the Front National is 10% in the European elections.
Thirty years later, the National Front approaching 20%, Le Pen was able to pass the torch to his daughter in excellent conditions, and the three themes on which Le Pen organized its breakthrough in the 1980s – security, the globalization and immigration – are at the heart of French political debates. With enemies like the French anti-fascists, Le Pen no longer needs friends.
Our investigation wants to break with everything that has been done so far on Le Pen. We chose to have an a priori, that of having none. And contrary to the claims of Alexandre Cara of Europe 1 or Patrick Cohen of France Inter, it emerges from an absolutely frightful portrait of Le Pen, precisely because it is an intimate portrait, in which he appears as a cynical and narcissistic character capable of everything to eliminate his opponents in the National Front, including those of his own family or to divert to him the revenues collected on behalf of his party.
You have titled your book Le Pen, a French story. Is it because in your eyes Jean-Marie Le Pen embodies the ambiguities and paradoxes of French society? No, it is rather because, at the end of this investigation, it appeared to us that Le Pen was not born Le Pen but that it was the result, in a way, of a co-production in which François participated. Mitterrand, who played a key role in his political breakthrough – there are many revelations in the book – but also Jacques Chirac, Nicolas Sarkozy, SOS Racism, etc. More than an investigation on Jean-Marie Le Pen, your book also appears as an investigation into the demonization of the former boss of the FN. How did the left and anti-racist associations play a role in the rise of the FN?
First of all, I want to say that SOS-Racisme, since everything comes from there at the beginning, was a forged creation from scratch at the Elysée as our investigation demonstrates. In the spirit of Mitterrand, it was both to raise the Front National on an electoral level (hence the introduction of the proportional in 1986) and at the same time to demonize Le Pen thanks to the small hand yellow to make impossible any alliance of the right and the FN which, at the time appeared as plausible. In reality, François Mitterrand allowed himself to play with Le Pen in this way because he did not consider him a fascist but a notable.
As François Mitterrand, François Hollande, today in trouble in the polls, could he be tempted to exploit the extreme right to divide the traditional right? It does not need to do it in my opinion because the right today lives a cruel dilemma: either it allies with the FN and it loses its centrist electorate while part of the electorate frontiste, especially the the working class electorate, would not vote for it either; or she rejects any alliance or arrangement in local elections and she is likely to lose them. François Hollande has only left to do. Through your book, you show that the strategy of demonization has been ineffective, even served Jean-Marie Le Pen. On the other hand, today, while Marine Le Pen is about to succeed in de-demonizing the FN, are not you afraid of trivializing this party?
I always thought that this word of banalization was stupid. Can we act as if the FN had not gathered six million votes in the presidential election? Can we act as if it were not the first workers’ party in France? Orwell said that “when the extreme right progresses with ordinary people, it is first on itself that the left should question.” And he also agrees, he said, to agree to confront the extreme right in terms of ideas. And once again the “non-banalization”, as it has been practiced for thirty years seems hardly to have borne fruit: ten times the media announced the death of lepenism or the Front, and the National Front is now like a charm.”